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«Ghent University Faculty of Arts and Philosophy Academic year 2015/2016 Ethnicity, Voting and the Promises of the Independence Movement in Tanzania: ...»

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Ghent University

Faculty of Arts and Philosophy

Academic year 2015/2016

Ethnicity, Voting and the Promises of the Independence Movement in Tanzania: The Case of

the 2010 General Elections in Mwanza

Mrisho Mbegu Malipula

Dissertation presented in the fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of

Comparative Science of Culture

Promoter: Prof. Dr. Koenraad Stroeken

i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This dissertation is the result of research work I embarked upon since December 2011 when I secured registration at Ghent University to pursue PhD studies. The dissertation could not have been completed without constructive contributions of many individuals and institutions with whom I interacted in the course of my scholarly endeavour. Space does not allow me to thank by name the many individuals who contributed to the making of this dissertation. To all of them, I wish to express with great humility my heartfelt gratitude for their academic, material and moral support.

However, there are always a few people, who because of their extraordinary contribution must be acknowledged by name. Given the limitation of space, I hope I will be forgiven for mentioning a few individuals and institutions whose support both academic and otherwise contributed immensely to the completion of this challenging task.

First and foremost, sincere gratitude is extended to my Promoter Prof. Dr. Koenraad Stroeken to whom I am indebted for much of my intellectual understanding of the scholarly field of ethnicity and voting. Koenraad’s encouragement, patience, genuine criticism and guidance throughout my long research journey made this dissertation take the shape and content that it has. His critical, detached and steady leadership has taught me a great deal in the academic world and for this I am highly indebted to him.

The members of my dissertation committee also deserve special acknowledgement for their contribution to making this work successful. These include: Dr Annelies Verdoolaege of the Department of African Languages and Cultures, Ghent University for commenting on my chapters and challenging me to excel in my PhD project from start to finish. I also want to pay tribute to Dr.

Patrick Vander Weyden of FocusUP for co-initiating the research in the early stages, and to Prof.

Dr. Geert Castryck of the Department of History, Ghent University, Prof. Peter Kopoka from the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Dodoma University and Prof. Auralia Kamuzora from the Department of Economics, Mzumbe University, for jumping in at the last minute to offer brilliant feedback as external readers before my dissertation defence. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Mangi Ezekiel, Dr. Haidari Misafi and Dr. Athanas Ngalawa who took their time to go through, and make comments on the raw drafts of several chapters. I am greatly

–  –  –

Equally, I wish to extend heartfelt appreciation to all faculty members, administrative staff and students whom I met and worked with at Ghent University. In the same vein, I wish to extend special thanks to the Tanzania-Ghent Community for their academic and social support. I feel indebted to mention that while at Ghent; the community made me feel home away from home. It was particularly so, when I felt like speaking Swahili and sharing Tanzania’s delicacies. They were like my brothers and sisters from another mother. Their academic and social support during the entire course of my studies helped me a lot to settle in Belgium and smoothly write this piece of academic work.

My wife Habiba Ramadhani Saidi and our lovely daughters Halima, Rehema and Mkejina deserve a particular paragraph of most solemn gratitude for enduring my complicated work schedule while researching and writing this dissertation. My immediate family has contributed immensely to the success of this dissertation, in the same way as it has, whenever I chase a dream. I therefore wish to thank these four wonderful females for their endless encouragement, support and love.

Certainly, this project could not have been a reality without their wholehearted support and assistance.

Distinctive moral and material support accorded to me by my close relatives and friends do also warrant recognition. In this vein, I wish to thank my sister Tolonge, brothers Mohamed and Roy;

friends Tano, Miraji, Mau, Moses, Muganda, Lucy, Felister and Yassin. I also wish to recognise the invaluable contribution of Godfrey Ndashau who assisted me in collecting data in Ilemela and Misungwi. Special thanks are extended to Mohamed Ghasia for assisting me in printing, binding and eventually submitting this dissertation for examination purposes. Equally, I would like to extend many thanks to Prof. Dr. Felix Kaputu for proof reading this dissertation. I am forever grateful to all of them.

Lastly, but not least, in a very profound way, I wish to register my sincere appreciation for the support I received from both Ghent University, Belgium and the Mzumbe University, Tanzania throughout the data collection and dissertation writing process. The author’s enrolment in the PhD programme at Ghent University was made possible by his employer-Mzumbe University. The iii candidate has also benefitted from grants from other institutions, namely the VLIR (UOS) Short Research Grant that funded the author’s three month stay in Belgium during the proposal writing stage, and Ghent University Special Research Fund for Doctoral Scholarship (BOF) for candidates from developing countries that funded the author’s two years stay in Belgium.





I wish to conclude by exonerating the individuals and institutions acknowledged in this section from all inaccuracies and shortcomings that may be found in this dissertation. All deficiencies are my responsibility and mine alone.

iv DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my beloved parents Mbegu Said Malipula and Rehema Mrisho Kapara, who did not live long enough to see their son grow to accomplish this significant academic milestone. My parents’ love, encouragement, dedication to education and industrious sacrifice inspired me to undertake an intellectual journey to the highest academic diploma that a University can offer –PhD.

v ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the influence of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. The issue of explaining ethnicity and voting in Tanzania is puzzling. The puzzle stems from the fact that Tanzania is less ethnically politicised compared to most African states, despite being ethnically diverse with over 120 ethnic groups, sharing the colonial history and an ongoing anxiety about competitive politics and liberal economics breeding ethnic salience in voting.

The overriding literature on influences of ethnicity on voting in Africa revolves around the paradigms of ethnic structure and neo-patrimonial or hybrid systems. Whereas the concept of ethnic structure contends that salience of ethnicity in voting is determined by the ability of ethnic groups to form a minimum winning coalition (MWC) in elections, the neo-patrimonial and hybrid schools explain the same from Africa’s presumed traditional primordialism – as opposed to legal-rational institutions of governance (LRIs) or historically grown values preventing ethnic voting. The assumption of ethnic motivations and the reference to traditional structures has long concealed the role of shared history, political thoughts and innovative practices in Tanzania’s management of ethnicity, particularly in voters’ choices in elections. Such backdrop warranted exploration of an alternative analytical framework.

This study developed an analytic narrative method that mainly relied on interviews with privileged witnesses as well as ordinary voters (65). The fundamental factor, we established, in explaining ethnicity’s low salience in voters’ choices in Tanzania has been the Promises of the Independence Movement (PsIM), namely a political imaginary about realising and enhancing promises of national unity (PNU), equitable distribution of national resources (EDNR) and peace. The PsIM in sum created a nationalist political culture against ethnic polarisation and salience in politics capable of sustaining low salience of ethnicity in voting for 50 years after independence. Based on the interviews, we reject the neo-patrimonial theory and hybrid schools and brand them as inadequate tools for understanding the significance of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. The rejection is predicated on the fact that the Tanzanian case does not support the primary tenets of the theory in divulging the influences of ethnicity on voting as explained above. Ideals deduced from a nationalist political culture as embedded in the PsIM, informed legal rational rules and institutions, values as well as experiences that militate against the salience of ethnicity on determining electorates’ choices. On this basis, we can give credit to, but also critically examine, the indigenous political thoughts informed by African political thought and practices that determine voting practices.

vi ABSTRACT

Dit proefschrift onderzoekt de invloed van etniciteit op het bepalen van keuzes van kiezers in Tanzania. Het verklaren van etniciteit bij stemgedrag is ingewikkeld en verrassend in Tanzania.

Het verrassende effect komt doordat Tanzania minder etnisch gepolitiseerd is dan de meeste andere Afrikaanse landen, ondanks het feit dat Tanzania een zeer etnisch divers land is, met meer dan 120 etnische groepen. Verder deelt het met de buurlanden ook een koloniale geschiedenis en een voortdurende bezorgdheid om competitieve politiek en liberale economie, zaken die gemakkelijk aanleiding kunnen geven tot etnische voorkeur bij stemgedrag.

De belangrijkste literatuur over de invloed van etniciteit op stemgedrag in Afrika verwijst naar paradigma's van etnische structuur en neo-patrimoniale of hybride systemen. Het concept van de etnische structuur stelt dat het belang van etniciteit in stemgedrag wordt bepaald door de vaardigheid van etnische groepen om “minimum winning coalitions” (MWC) te vormen tijdens verkiezingen. Het neo-patrimoniale en hybride-model, daarentegen, verklaart alles vanuit Afrika’s veronderstelde traditionele primordiale ingesteldheid. Die visie staat lijnrecht tegenover het bestaan van juridisch-rationele bestuursinstellingen (LRIs) of historisch gegroeide waarden en normen die stemgedrag op basis van etniciteit tegen gaan. Dit vermoeden van etnisch gemotiveerd stemgedrag en de verwijzing naar traditionele structuren heeft zeer lang de rol genegeerd van een gezamenlijke geschiedenis, een gemeenschappelijk politiek gedachtengoed en een innovatieve manier op basis waarvan omgesprongen wordt met etniciteit in Tanzania. Deze achtergrond rechtvaardigt de verkenning van een alternatief analytisch raamwerk.

Deze studie ontwikkelde een analytisch-narratieve methode die zich vooral baseerde op interviews met geprivilegieerde getuigen, en ook gewone kiezers (65). De fundamentele factor, zo vonden we uit, in het verklaren van een zeer matig belang van etniciteit in stemgedrag in Tanzania, zijn de Beloftes van de Onafhankelijkheidsbeweging (PsIM) geweest. Dit verwijst naar een politiek gedachtengoed met betrekking tot het realiseren en bevorderen van de beloftes van nationale eenheid (PNU), van een rechtvaardige verdeling van hulpbronnen (EDNR) en vrede. De PsIM creëerden een nationalistische politieke cultuur die zich verzette tegen etnische polarisatie en het belang ervan in politiek. Op die manier is men er de laatste 50 jaar in geslaagd etniciteit ondergeschikt te maken bij stemgedrag in Tanzania. Gebaseerd op de interviews die ik heb afgenomen, verwerp ik de neo-patrimoniale theorie en de hybride school. Ik bestempel hen als ontoereikend in de poging het belang van etniciteit in stemgedrag te begrijpen. Deze afwijzing is gebaseerde op het feit dat de impact van etniciteit op stemgedrag in Tanzania op geen enkele manier kan worden verklaard op basis van die theorie. Idealen, afgeleid van een nationalistische politieke cultuur, zoals ingebed in de PsIM, hebben aanleiding gegeven tot juridisch-rationale regels en instellingen, waarden en ervaringen die zich verzetten tegen het belang van etniciteit bij het stemgedrag van kiezers. Op basis daarvan moeten we veel waarde hechten (zonder de kritische blik te vergeten) aan het lokale politieke gedachtengoed dat werd geïnspireerd door Afrikaanse politieke ideologieën en praktijken bij het bepalen van stemgedrag vii MUHTASARI Tasnifu hii imejikita kuchunguza ushawishi wa ukabila katika kuongoza maamuzi ya wapiga kura nchini Tanzania. Suala la kueleza ukabila na upigaji kura nchini Tanzania ni gumu na linakanganya. Mkanganyiko huu unatokana na ukweli kwamba nafasi ya ukabila katika masuala ya siasa nchini Tanzania ni ndogo ikilinganishwa na nchi nyingi za Kiafrika, licha ya kuwa na makabila zaidi ya 120, kupitia historia ya utawala wa kikoloni kama mataifa mengine ya Afrika na wasiwasi unaoendelea kuhusu siasa za ushindani na uchumi huria kuchochea matumizi makubwa ya ukabila katika kushawishi upigaji kura.

Maandiko mengi yahusuyo nafasi ya ukabila katika kushawishi maamuzi ya wapiga kura barani Afrika yanahusisha suala hilo na dhana ya muundo wa makabila na mifumo mamboleo ya utawala wa kuleana na chotara (mchanganyiko wa mfumo wa utawala mamboleo wa kuleana na mfumo wa utawala wa kale unaosherehesha ukabila katika uendeshaji wa siasa na mgawanyo wa rasilimali za taifa). Wakati dhana ya muundo wa makabila inadai kwamba matumizi makubwa ya ukabila katika upigaji kura unategemea uwezo wa makabila hayo kuunda muungano wenye idadi inayotosheleza kushinda uchaguzi (MWC), mielekeo ya mifumo wa utawala mamboleo wa kuleana na chotara vinaelezea nafasi ya ukabila katika uchaguzi kwa kuegemea dhana ya waafrika kupendelea masuala ya desturi na jadi za utawala wa kale kuliko taasisi za utawala za kisheria (LRIs) na ukosefu wa maadili na historia zinazopinga kwa dhati matumizi ya ukabila katika kushawishi upigaji wa kura. Wazo la motisha za kikabila katika uendeshaji wa siasa na urejeaji wa masuala ya jadi na mifumo ya utawala wa kale katika kuelezea nafasi ya ukabila katika kushawishi upigaji wa kura kwa muda mrefu limefifisha nafasi ya mawazo ya historia ya pamoja, fikra za kisiasa, na ubunifu katika usimamizi wa ukabila nchini Tanzania, hususan nafasi yake katika kuongoza maamuzi ya wapiga kura wakati wa uchaguzi mbalimbali. Udhaifu huu umeshawishi utafutaji wa mfumo mbadala wa uchambuzi wa nafasi ya ukabila katika kushawishi upigaji kura.



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