«A Talk to Senior Officials from the Fields of Party Ideological Work and Art and Literature July 3. 1967 Immediately following the 15th Plenary ...»
ON THE FIRM ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PARTY،¯S MONOLITHIC
IDEOLOGICAL SYSTEM AMONG WRITERS AND ARTISTS
A Talk to Senior Officials from the Fields of Party Ideological Work
and Art and Literature
July 3. 1967
Immediately following the 15th Plenary Meeting of the Fourth
Central Committee of the Party, the Party emphasized that the art and
literature sector should establish the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system, but this work has not been carried out at the level required by the Party. Today I intend to stress once again the importance of firmly establishing the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system among writers and artists.
As the great leader said at the 15th Plenary Meeting of the Fourth Party Central Committee, the establishment of the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system is a fundamental prerequisite for the building of a working-class party and an essential requirement for the unity and cohesion of the Party،¯s ranks. If the working-class party fails to estab?lish a monolithic ideological system in the party, it can neither secure the unity and cohesion of the party and its revolutionary ranks, nor lead the revolution and work of construction to victory. Only when the working-class party has established a monolithic ideological sys?tem in the party will it become a guiding force possessing genuine organizing ability and powerful combat capacity, and be able to forge ahead with the building of socialism and communism.
Since its very first days, our Party has conducted a persistent struggle in order to establish the Party،¯s ideological system and has endeavoured uncompromisingly to combat anti-Party, counter- revolu?tionary ideological trends of all hues and the tactics of alien elements.
The work of establishing the Party،¯s monolithic ideological sys?tem is not limited to a certain stage of the revolutionary struggle, it does not end at a particular point in time. It is a matter of life and death for the existence of the working-class party, it is, in essence, the work of laying and consolidating the organizational and ideological basis of the party, a constant and ongoing task to be addressed consis?tently throughout the whole course of the building of socialism and communism. If a party even slightly neglects the establishment of its monolithic ideological system, in its euphoria at what has already been achieved, alien ideological trends will spring up and develop in me party and its revolutionary ranks and factions and sects will be formed, inflicting serious damage on the process of consolidation and development of the party. This is clearly shown by the practical expe?rience of our revolution and the international communist movement. Therefore we must take the work of establishing the Party،¯s mono?lithic ideological system firmly in hand as a question of fundamental importance for the destiny of the Party and endeavour to strengthen it unceasingly.
Art and literature play a very important role in establishing the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system. Art and literature are impor?tant aspects of ideological work, their power of attraction is very great and their influence is significant in extending revolutionary education to Party members and other working people and inspiring them to engage actively in the revolutionary struggle and the work of construction. Our art and literature must define their basic mission as stimulating Party members and the working people to the brilliant application of the great leader،¯s revolutionary ideas and direction.
To this end, the field of art and literature must be the first to establish a firm base for the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system.
Today the field of art and literature is faced with the honourable task of creating a larger number of artistic and literary works which contribute actively to imbuing the entire Party and the whole of soci?ety with the revolutionary ideas of the great leader. The field of art and literature must encourage writers and artists to represent the glo?rious and brilliant revolutionary history and exalted qualities of the leader in depth and to create the typical images of fine communist revolutionaries unfailingly faithful to the leader. This honourable task can only be fulfilled successfully when writers and artists have securely equipped themselves with our Party،¯s revolutionary ideas and Juche-based theories of art and literature.
Establishing the Party،¯s monolithic ideological system on a firm basis among writers and artists becomes an even more urgent prob?lem in relation to the current situation and the present state of our art and literature.
The manoeuvres of the US and other imperialists now consist, on the one hand, of threatening the peoples of the revolutionary coun?tries by nuclear blackmail and, on the other, of undermining the socialist states from within by infiltrating bourgeois ideas and culture into them. The bourgeois art and literature spread by imperialists inflict serious harmful damage by reducing people to spiritual crip?ples or moral degenerates and instigating them to counter-revolution by sending the wind of ،°freedom،±. They instil all kinds of immorality and depravity, sexual passion, murder, plunder, sorrow and despair.
In the face of the serious historical lesson, the modern revisionists, enslaved by the illusions of imperialism, praise bourgeois art and lit?erature and the bourgeois way of life, and reject the spirit of the Party, the working class and the people in socialist art and literature, attempting to obliterate the traditions of revolutionary art and litera?ture and opposing the Party،¯s leadership in this area.
The anti-Party, counter-revolutionary elements concealed their presence in our Party by taking advantage of revisionist counterrevo?lutionary moves, scheming viciously to betray our revolutionary prin?ciples and adulterate our art and literature with feudalist and capitalist elements. It was revealed at the 15th Plenary Meeting of the Fourth Central Committee of the Party that the anti-Party, counterrevolu?tionary elements rejected the Party،¯s leadership over art and literature both overtly and covertly, proclaimed ،°artistic freedom،± under the pretext of expressing the ،°creative personality،± and attempted to dis?seminate feudal-Confucian ideas, insisting that they were the heirs and continuators of the literature of the Silhak school and other national legacies of art and literature. In addition, they proposed that the revolutionary traditions of our Party should be expanded in all directions, and attempted to include the art and literature of the ،°KAPF،± and the ،°new-tendency-school،± in the revolutionary tradi?tions of our art and literature, rejecting efforts to recover and restate the artistic and literary works of the days of the anti-Japanese revolu?tionary struggle, our people،¯s precious revolutionary heritage.
Quite a few of our writers and artists seemed to become half-blind and followed the anti-Party, counter-revolutionary elements implicit?ly, creating artistic and literary works which conflicted with the Party،¯s ideas.
The drama Single-hearted Devotion does not discriminate between the heart of a woman devoted to the revolution or the heart of a wife leading a chaste life for her husband like a ،°virtuous woman،± in feudal society. This kind of non-Party drama was per?formed in Pyongyang without arousing doubts in anyone،¯s mind.
We can recognize instances in which writers and artists have cre?ated artistic and literary works opposed to the Party،¯s ideas in the long stories The New Spring in Sokkaeul and The Fog Creeps over a New Hill, and the film Through Darkness. In The New Spring in Sokkaeul a poor peasant who in the past was maltreated and various?ly exploited by a landlord, but became prosperous when he received land after liberation is depicted as resisting to the last the call to join an agricultural cooperative; this was a vilification of the poor peas?ants who are hard-core activists in rural communities and a distortion of our Party،¯s class line and policy on agricultural cooperativization. The writer of this novel also made serious mistakes in the long story The Fog Creeps over a New Hill which he submitted last year. The great leader analysed these mistakes in detail and I have spoken about them on several occasions in the process of directing the work of revising the Fierce Wind, the film version of the story, so I do not intend to talk about this matter at length. I speak of it in order to stress once again that in describing a hero of pure revolutionary working-class origins as a scoundrel and a fighting-cock or depicting Sun Yong, the daughter of a nationalist who joined the March 1 Movement15, as becoming the wife of the head of a ،°punitive force،± as a result of her self-betrayal after taking part in the revolutionary struggle, or having Mun Kyong Thae, who was imagined to be the leader of the communist movement in the first half of the 1920s stand forth like a ،°revolutionary teacher،±, the work is in contradiction with the ideas of our Party and does not correspond to the logic of the life of revolutionary people and the historical facts of the communist movement. In the film Through Darkness the scriptwriter and film-makers represented a hired peasant, the basic class of the south Kore?an rural communities, as a fool and reactionary element and depicted a young intellectual who came to a farming village to carry out enlightenment work in opposition to the class line of the Party. The long stories The New Spring in Sokkaeul and The Fog Creeps over a New Hill, and the film Through Darkness are revisionist works which lack Party spirit and have failed to assimilate the correct work?ing-class line.
Works marked by revisionist tendencies are also to be found in the fields of music and the fine arts.
Mistakes of recent years which are fundamentally contrary to the Party،¯s ideas in the creative work of art and literature have resulted, above all, from the failure of writers and artists to put their faith in the great leader،¯s revolutionary ideas. If they had imbued themselves thoroughly with his revolutionary ideas and possessed unshakable confidence that they had no guide but him, they could have promptly discriminated the efforts of anti-Party, counter-revolutionary elements to give prominence to individuals, emasculate the revolutionary tradi?tions of our art and literature, and inculcate feudal-Confucian, capitalist, revisionist and flunkeyist ideas in the field of art and literature, and they would not have accepted a slovenly drama such as Single-hearted Devotion when they were forced to make it. Because their revolutionary faith was not steadfast, they became so blind that they regarded the malicious words and deeds of anti-Party, counterrevolu?tionary elements as the only good ones and even when they regarded them as wrong, they did not oppose them, they shut their eyes to them for fear of being exposed to pressure.
The mistakes that have come to light in the creation of artistic and literary works are also related to the fact that the writers and artists did not follow a straight working-class line. The working-class line is the revolutionary point of view, the stand which safeguards the aspi?rations and requirements of the working class, its will and interests. It is only when this point of view is adopted and this stand firmly taken can writers comprehend scientifically the principles of the revolution?ary struggle, the lawfulness of its development, and the essential nature of human beings and their lives, in order to depict man،¯s strug?gle and his life correctly in accordance with the requirements of the progress of the Party and revolution. Because writers and artists have not drawn a distinct working-class line, they have made hard-core activists of rural communities such as a poor peasant of the former days into a person opposed to our Party،¯s policy on agricultural cooperativization at the stage of the socialist revolution, they have depict?ed a hired peasant as a fool or a person who opposes the class strug?gle, they have described the most revolutionary working class as a hooligan and a fighting-cock, and depicted a daughter of a middle-class family as becoming the wife of the head of a ،°punitive force،± betraying the revolutionary struggle.
This does not accord to the ide?als and aspirations of the patriotic middle classes of our country.
Officials in charge of Party ideological work also failed to estab?lish sound working-class principles.
If they had upheld sound working-class principles, they would have quickly discovered that it was an anti-Party act in conflict with our Party،¯s idea for anti-Party, counter-revolutionary elements to impose on them a book such as Mokmin Simso, written by a scholar of the Silhak school in the feudal epoch as an essential text.
Of course, the ideas of the Silhak school and books such as Mok?min Simso are part of the national cultural heritage and have a certain significance in the history of our country, but they cannot provide the guiding principles for our officials in their work today. Mokmin Simso contains the words ،°patriotism،± and ،°love of the people،± but they have nothing in common with the patriotism and popularlybased spirit of which we communists speak. There are lots of beautiful words full of falsehood, deception and hypocrisy in the other books, too. We must not be fascinated by gorgeous phrases, but grasp their essence firmly from the standpoint of the working class.
The poems of Kim So Wol have nothing particular to contribute to the revolutionary education of our people. Although his poems express a pitiful sorrow at the usurpation of our country and the tram?pling of our national dignity by the Japanese imperialists, they are interwoven with sentimental and religious notes.
When we deal with the national cultural heritage or historic indi?viduals, we must clearly distinguish the positive things from the neg?ative ones. To make one side of the positive and negative opposition an absolute one and have it stand in exaggerated isolation without attempting to assess the positive and negative aspects of matters and phenomena fairly is a metaphysical viewpoint. We must fairly assess the positive and negative roles played in social progress by specific historical facts or persons of former times, always firmly relying on the principles of the Party and the working class.