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«Director P. Saleem Gen Secretary, Our India Foundation Project In charge Irfan Habeeb Joint Secretary, Our India Foundation Principal Investigator ...»

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A SOCIO ECONOMIC REVIEW

OF THE MUSLIMS OF SHAMLI DITSTRICT,

UTTAR PRADESH-2014

“ Inclusion is not a strategy to help people

fit into the systems and structures which

exist in our societies; it is about transforming

those systems and structures to make it better for

everyone. Inclusion is about creating

a better world for everyone”.

Diane Richler, President, Inclusion International

Research Team

Director P. Saleem Gen Secretary, Our India Foundation Project In charge Irfan Habeeb Joint Secretary, Our India Foundation Principal Investigator Ismail Hudawi Research scholar, Tata Insitiute of Social Sceinces, Mumbai.

Project Facilitators Rasheed Thottathil Musthafa Muhammed Research Assistants Omair Qasmi Abdul latheef Hudawi 7 A Socio Economic Review of the Muslim of Shamli Ditstrict, Uttar Pradesh Contents Tables & Figures 11 Introduction 13 Relevance of the Study 20 Objectives of the study 20 Limitations of the study 21 Casteism and Social Exclusion Within the Muslims of Shamli 23 Employment Status and Economic Engagement 31 Education Scenario at Shamli 45 Mussafar Nagar Communal Riots 55 Recommendations and Suggetions 59 Bibliography 63 Appendix 67 9 A Socio Economic Review of the Muslim of Shamli Ditstrict, Uttar Pradesh Tables & Figures Tables Page Number Distribution of Population by Religious Groups 15 Literacy Rate by Religious Communities 17 Work Participation Rate by Religion 18 The Main Work Status for Twelve Months 35 Employment Status Among Religious

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India is among the most diverse societies in the world. It has people from all the major religions of the world. Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Zoroastrians. Even though Hindus constitute about 80.5 per cent of the population, there are more than 138 million Muslims (13.4 percent of the total population) in the country ( 2001 Census), making it the second largest population of Muslims in the world Religious diversity is coupled with enormous linguistic and cultural diversity Table : 1.1 Distribution of Population by Religious Groups

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When India gained independence in 1947, the Political leadership and the framers of the constitution took note of this diversity, and they deliberated on a framework that would provide for a unified but culturally diverse nation state. While most societies grant individuals the right to religious belief, in India communities enjoy the right to continue

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all matters of family, individuals are governed by their community personal laws.

Religious communities also have the right to set up their own religious and charitable institutions; they can establish their own educational institutions, and, above all, these institutions can receive financial support from the state. Taken together, these are ways by which public recognition has been granted to different religious communities and space made for them to continue with their way of life. On the symbolic plane, policies pertaining to the declaration of public holidays, permissible dress in educational institutions and public jobs, and the naming of public places also acknowledge and give due recognition to the different communities living in India. ( Negotiating cultural diversity and minority rights in India Gurpreet Mahajan, Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University) However, Inspite of all the safeguards, the good intentions and various statutes in the constitution, minorities in India is yet to see a significant transformation in terms of poverty alleviation, education and democratic participation. The Sachar Committee Report has officially authenticated the reality that was widely believed that the Muslims, in terms of educational and economic indices constitute the most backward segment of Indian society Literacy Rate by Religious Communities Muslims lags behind all other communities in the 2001 census in the literacy rate by religious communities. Male and female literacy rates very much below

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The gap of male-female literacy rates is the lowest among Jains which is only 6.8 per cent points against the national gender literacy gap of 21.6 per cent points. Among Christians also the gap is as low as 8.2 per cent points. The biggest gap is found against other religions (27.6 per cent points) followed by Hindus (23 per cent points) and Buddhists (21.4 per cent points).

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Work participation rate,i.e., the percentage of workers to total population for the country is 39.1 per cent in 2001Census. Muslims have the lowest participation rate of

31.3 percent followed by Jains with 32.9 per cent and Sikhs with 37.7 per cent.Religious groups which have work participation rate above the national average in descending order are Other religions (48.4 per cent),Buddhists (40.6 per cent),Hindus (40.4 per cent) and Christians (39.7 per cent). Male work participation rate for the country in 2001 is 51.7 per cent. Male work participation rate for Hindus, Jains and other religions are above the national Average. The highest was among Jains with 55.2 per cent which is followed by Sikhs (53.3 per cent) and Hindus (52.4 per cent). Muslims, Christians and Buddhists are the other major religious communities which have rates below the national level. The work participation rate for Muslims which is 47.5 per cent is the lowest. The second lowest of 49.2 per cent is found among Buddhists.





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religions. The rate varies from the lowest of 9.2 per cent among Jains to 44.2 per cent among other religions, work participation rate at the national level being 25.6 per cent.

Female work participation among Muslims is found to only 14.1 percent. Besides other religions, Buddhists (31.7 per cent), Christians (28.7 per cent) and Hindus (27.5 per cent) have female participation rate above the national level. The gender gap in the work participation rate is particularly very large among Jains (46 per cent points), Muslims (33.4 per cent points) and Sikhs (33.1 per cent points), even as the gap at the national level being 26.1 percent points. All these statistics point to the fact that Muslims of India lags behind in all developmental indices.

In Indian states, highest population of muslims is in Uttar Pradesh that has 35 million or 3.5crores muslims. Muslims of Uttar Pradesh constitute for the 19 percentage of the total sate population. Bihar has 14million muslims which accounts for the 16 percentage of the total state population and West Bengal houses 20 million Muslims which is 25 percentage of the total state population. These three states is home to 42 percentage of the whole Muslim population of India.

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Social exclusion is a very complex situation. It affects and put the people or whole generation in a vicious circle of concurrent backwardness. Inclusive development will never happen when communities are excluded from the rest of the society and denied access to social and economic goods in society. Indian Muslims especially that of north India lags behind in education, employment, democratic participation and all other developmental indices when compared to other communities. The recent communal riots have also brought insecurity faced by the Indian Muslims to central focus. Various measures and attempts of the central and state governments have failed to make any significant improvements in the well being of the Muslims of India. It is in this context that this study is undertaken to probe deep into the psyche of North Indian Muslims and recommend constructive suggestions to the NGO which has undertaken the mission of establishing educational and health care initiatives in North India.

Objectives of the Study The main objectives of the present study are · To find out social economic and political factors which directly support for sustainability of an English medium school at Kandla in Shamli district,Uttar

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· To explore the strength, weaknesses, opportunities and threats for functioning of the school in short and long run and also suggestions and recommendations.

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Both primary and secondary data were the sources of the study. The primary data was collected through field work. Secondary data was gathered from research papers,Government reports, census reports and other publications. The study is based on a sample survey. Both purposive and systematic random sampling methods have been followed. A coded questionnaire was prepared, field tested and finalized before the commencement of the survey. The field study was conducted mainly concentrating on Kandla municipality of Shamli District. kairana and Gangeru villages of Shamli district.

Seventy households have been selected from these localities for the extensive study.

Allocation of the samples to each area were done both randomly and purposively.

Focused group discussion (FGD) with community leaders, social activists, parents were conducted. These study also inclusively, selected educational institutions, both formal and informal viz. madrassa, government school, UP board private schools and CBSE board private schools.

Limitation of the study As the study period was immediately after the Muzzafar Nagar riots,it was very difficult to get information from Government offices and educational institutions. Time was also

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The study is categorised into chapters. The first chapter deals with the importance of the Research matter and an overall assessment of the muslims of north India. The second chapter deals casteism among the Muslims of Shamli district. The third chapter dwells with the economic status and economic engagement of the Muslims of Shamli.

and the fourth chapter is about challenges and opportunities in interventions in the educational sector and the last and final fifth chapter is Recommendations and suggestions.

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The caste system in India is a system of social stratification. Strict segmentation of society, with the various groups being rigidly defined and membership of them determined by birth. A hierarchical system defines a ranking place for all of the castes.

There is limited choice of occupation, which is enforced within a caste as well as by other castes.The egalitarian project of Islam came to be sabotaged from within, with the emergence of a parallel caste system among the Muslims themselves. Over time, it grew into such a strong and pervasive force that it made a complete mockery of Islam's insistence on the brotherhood and fundamental equality of all believers. This was particularly noticeable in those parts of India where the carriers of Islam were not Arabs, in particular in regions where ruling Muslim dynasties were non-Arab or Ajami, and that were, unlike the early Arab Muslims, not committed to the equality of all Muslims.

Despite being Muslims, they had not rid themselves of ethnic pride and notions of social hierarchy. To some extent, caste divisions and prejudices among the Muslims of the country were also a result of the lingering caste consciousness among 'upper' caste Hindus who had converted to Islam for various reasons. The impact of the wider Hindu caste-ridden society on the Indian Muslims, both converts as well as those of foreign origin, and its role in fomenting caste divisions and consciousness among them cannot also be discounted. Gradually, then, the ruling Muslim elites of foreign Ajami extraction came to uphold and champion caste-based social hierarchy, appearing, in this regard, no different from their Hindu counterparts, and in complete contrast to the early Arab Muslims. So caste-ridden did Indian Muslim society become that in the period of 'Muslim'

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oppressed castes. The oppressed Muslim castes had converted to Islam to escape Brahminical oppression, but the Muslim rulers, instead of assisting them in any way, branded them as 'low-born' and subjected them to various forms of degradation. They even devised a four-fold caste system almost identical to that of the four-fold varna order of the Brahminical Hindus. Accordingly, the four ethnic groups that claimed foreign—Arab, West Asian and Central Asian—descent, the Syeds, Shaikhs, Mughals and Pathans, came to be considered as ashraf/sharif or 'noble'. Converts from the 'high' caste Hindus were also considered as sharif. On the other hand, impoverished Muslims of indigenous origin, converts from the oppressed castes, who came to form the vast majority of the Indian Muslim population, were branded as ajlaf or 'low' or even as arzal/razil or 'despicable'. ( Masood Alam Falahi – “Mai Zat-Pat Aur Musalman” ).

However, the caste system is not as rigid as among Hindus. Many studies argue for its roots and its similarity with Hindu caste. The two differs in significant ways, (Dumount,

1980) finds that caste among muslims is” weakened or incomplete but not lacking all together”. The caste exist in social relations, but it had modified. There is no sense of purity and pollution, occupational division is not much developed, but there is. There is no restriction of entry at mosque (unlike Dalits have restriction of entry of temples).

There is no ritual practices exclusively practiced by upper caste people.

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population. Caste based hierarchy has an echoe in social relations. Close to twenty castes have been identified within the muslim community. Caste hierarchy very dictates in marriage,and choosing of the occupation. The caste based structure restrict the individual in the process of social mobility especially in terms of social status, eduation attainment, employment oppurtunities and social security. The human settlements of Mohalla, is somewhat divided on basis of their social status. Parts of Kandla inhabited by those in the lowest of the hierarchy is filthy and unhiegenic and the muslims living in these places are partially or totally excluded from mainstream majority community. Either they are invisible or deliberately marginalized from the public domain.

Major caste Communities among Muslims at Shamli



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